A History by Design

Divided Brisbane

 
Brisbane trade unionists gather in Roma Street for labour day, with the City Hall construction site in the background, c1928
Fryer Library, Browning photograph collection, Image 53
Brisbane has always been a fractious city. As a penal settlement, relations between the administration and the convict population were characterized by hatred and violence, earning the settlement a reputation as "the most flogginest place in the whole colony." [1]
Racial conflict was endemic. By the end of the 1840s the local Yuggera and Turrbal people had been driven to the very fringes of their territory. "We have seized their country by the right of might and by the right of might the whites will continue to possess it," proclaimed the Moreton Bay Courier in 1847. When asked in 1861 about the Aborigines of the Moreton District, the Commander of the Native Police, Lieutenant Frederick Wheeler, was able to report that they had "driven them almost entirely away." [2]

In the interwar period, there were few Aboriginal families living in Brisbane, although it was possible to find Aboriginal girls and women working as household domestics, and young Aboriginal men tending the gardens, in Brisbane's better-off suburbs. Most of these young people had been taken from their families and raised on government settlements or in church-run institutions such as the Salvation Army Girls' Home at New Farm. [3]

Brisbane was indeed an ethnically homogeneous society. The 1933 census reported that, out of a total Brisbane population of 301,748, less than 9000 people were born outside Australasia or the British Isles. The largest non-British-born groups were the Germans (1416), the Russians (541), the Chinese (477), the Danes (457) and the Greeks (402). [4] With such small numbers, there were no obvious geographic concentrations of the non-British population, except for the Greeks who were already ensconced in the division of Kurilpa, covering West End and South Brisbane.

In 1919 politically radical Russians in South Brisbane were the target of some of the worst violence ever witnessed in an Australian city. [5] The Red Flag riots, as they were known, drew from the same well of xenophobia that had nourished the anti-Chinese riots in Brisbane in 1888 and the ongoing tensions between Protestants and the Irish Catholic community. But as it often does, racism hid deeper concerns. The loyalist leaders who led the attack and the Establishment figures who backed them were more avowedly anti-Bolshevik than anti-Russian. Respectable Brisbane felt deeply threatened by Bolshevism, a radical political movement which linked social revolution to the organised power of labour. It was this threat, more than any sense of racial anxiety, that culminated in the anti-Russian pogrom. The riots, in effect, expressed the politics of class, the most enduring and influential source of division in interwar Brisbane.

Plans for Hawthorne residence, 1923
Architect: E.P. Trewern

Fryer Library, Trewern Collection, UQFL239, Item 1084

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Plans for New Farm residence, 1922
Architect: M.W. Haenke

Fryer Library, Haenke Collection, UQFL115, Job B156

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Class was the most fundamental source of social division in interwar Brisbane and was manifested in politics, culture, leisure and the built environment. Although new health, housing and town planning standards in the 1920s prevented a repetition of the 1880s, when poorly-built worker cottages were crammed into inner city suburbs, the homes of Brisbane’s citizens were still clearly differentiated along class lines in the 1920s and 30s.

Brisbane had been divided by class since the very first party of convicts stepped ashore in May 1825. Although 100 years later the labouring population was no longer confined to barracks, the spatial boundaries demarcating Brisbane's social classes were no less fixed. At a most obvious level, there were specific sites of organised class power, such as the new Trades Hall, built at the top of Edward Street next to Wickham Park in 1923. The Hall was home to a number of individual trade unions, as well as the Trades and Labor Council of Queensland, the movement's peak body in the State. The organised voice of Queensland business occupied no such auspicious structure, though it was often said that Parliament House amply filled this void.

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In 1923 the new Trades Hall at the top of Edward Street replaced a more modest version in Turbot Street. Some of the original design ideas for the new hall, such as the tower featured in this drawing, were abandoned due to cost. The hall served Queensland’s trade union movement until it was demolished in the mid 1980s.
Plans for Brisbane Trades Hall, 1919
Architects: H.W. Atkinson & A.H. Conrad
Fryer Library, Conrad & Gargett Collection, UQFL228, Job 378

The sites of leisure were also classed spaces. Male working class recreation centred on pubs, sporting grounds, and the river and waterways of Moreton Bay. Some sporting pastimes, like horse racing and cricket, had cross-class appeal, but the spectating facilities were segregated: public enclosures for the masses, exclusive areas for those who possessed the funds, social connections and cultural capital to become club members. Australian rules and rugby league football were played by and to a working class constituency, while rugby union was largely the preserve of private school alumni.

Women's socialising was more spatially restricted than men's. Women in the workforce found some social outlet on the job, while housewives sought companionship through neighbourhood and family. With bread, meat, dairy products, eggs and ice delivered to the door on a daily basis, even outings to the local shop were a rare pleasure for many women in working class and lower middle class neighbourhoods.

Some social and cultural pursuits were shared by men and women. Brisbane's main theatrical venues, His Majesty's and the Regent, attracted bourgeois audiences to a steady fare of professional drama and music, while vaudeville and a lively working class theatre scene kept alive other traditions of theatre entertainment. For pulling power, however, no live show in the 1930s could compete with the movies. By 1938 Brisbane boasted over 60 picture theatres across the city, and on Friday and Saturday nights and Saturday afternoons these were packed by a mostly young, working class audience, eager for the latest offering from Hollywood. [6]

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Pubs were centres of male working class leisure in Brisbane's industrial areas and working class suburbs. The Hotel Victoria in Melbourne Street, on the South Brisbane approach to the Victoria Bridge, was constructed before the Great War, but saw active service throughout the interwar period.

Plans for shops and additions to Hotel Victoria, 1910
Architect: H.W. Atkinson & Charles McLay

Fryer Library, Conrad & Gargett Collection, UQFL228, Job 393

Built before the Great War, the Empire Theatre in Albert Street, between Queen and Elizabeth streets, became St James Theatre in the 1930s. In this period live theatre was overtaken in popularity by the movies as a source of mass entertainment.

Plans for theatre premises in Albert Street, 1910
Architect: H.W. Atkinson & Charles McLay

Fryer Library, Conrad & Gargett Collection, UQFL228, Job 394    Click to view zoomable image

While leisure continued to reflect distinct class associations, the most ubiquitous manifestation of class in Brisbane was its residential geography. Brisbane's hills, it was often noted, were dotted with the homes of the city's "well-to-do." [7] Workers' homes, in contrast, were built initially in the hollows and on the slopes of the inner suburbs (Red Hill, Spring Hill, West End) and, later, on the flat expanses between the undulations to the north, south and east. [8] House styles also reflected class factors. Not only were the homes of Brisbane's rich larger than those of the working majority, they were better appointed, featured more decorative elements and were often designed to accommodate domestic help. Innovations in material technology and design, moreover, did not necessarily permeate the mass housing market. The higher cost of the new brick and tile homes of the 1930s, for example, meant they were largely the preserve of a rising professional middle class keen to express its own social standing and sense of modernity by breaking with the mass forms of tin and timber. Working class families, in contrast, had different aspirations. In the mid 1920s, some workers could hope to own a modest, wooden bungalow in suburban Brisbane. By the early 1930s, many families found themselves with no permanent shelter at all.

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An early example of the use of stucco and tile, this porch and gable home in Nundah featured doctor's consulting rooms, a maid's room, bedrooms with adjoining dressing rooms, a box room and a fernery. The departure from tin and timber, combined with a preference for the Tudor revival style, was a statement of middle class wealth and comfort. Internationally, the style was popular with the nouveaux riche, giving rise to the description 'Stockbroker Tudor'. (Rechner, Brisbane House Styles, p. 51)
Plans for consulting rooms and residence, Nundah, 1927
Architects: H.W. Atkinson & A.H. Conrad
Fryer Library, Conrad & Gargett Collection, UQFL228, Job 323
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Built a few years before the Nundah house above and also designed by Atkinson and Conrad, this modest two bedroom home in Greenslopes remained true to the emerging Queensland vernacular style. While still considered a 'worker's cottage', its elevation, high ceilings and reasonable room sizes gave it the edge over the low-set cottages of late-nineteenth century Brisbane. Even so, it was far removed from the levels of comfort available to Atkinson's and Conrad's client in Nundah.
Plans for cottage, Greenslopes, 1923
Architects: H.W. Atkinson & A.H. Conrad
Fryer Library, Conrad & Gargett Collection, UQFL228, Job 310
 
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